pépé
Anarchy
is order
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“A
political program has value insofar as it –rising above vague generalities-
makes clear precisely which organization it proposes to replace those it wants
to overthrow or reform.”
(Michael
Bakunin in ‘Writings against Marx’)
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Principles,
Propositions & Discussions for Land & Freedom |
Time after time I think about
how different things could have been of I didn’t get into contact with people
and groups that made it possible for me to become what I became. No matter how
you look at it, personal contacts and individual experience are the main
factors in one’s (political) formation and evolution. Why did I become an
anarchist? By chance and by need. What else would I have become? I never
planned on becoming an anarchist.
Standing up from falling down
(again) I moved on. I’ve been enchanted and I’ve been disgusted by the
anarchist movement; I cursed the people and missed them; hated them and loved
them. I’ve had dreams and been in despair. Said farewell en received people and
ideas with open arms. I’ve been smart and I’ve been an ass.
In short I was little different
from anybody else, but each has his path and each path has its ways.
Anarchism has been my path for
more than half my life now, at first vague and instictive, later a bit more
rational an with more doubts about some things. Because I had the feeling that
a lot of things weren’t going as well as they could go –and cerntainly as good
as they should-, that the movement didn’t use its full potential and that there
were no platforms to discuss this –far beside from changing them together, I
started reading , thinking and discussing in small circles.
What you have before you now is
the result of years in the anarchist desert and my way to answer the pale and
the petty. This is an invitation to all envolved to gather up arms and wrap
them around eachother. There is no time to lose. This is my invitation not to
let go. Anarchism or barbarism. Anarchy is Order.
This is a proposition to the
anarchist movement at large. Where do we go from here? Don’t mourn, organize!
Because I think we need both go back to basics about our theory as to find a
new reality, a new practice. Words are not enough, but a good beginning.
Pépé November 2004.
“Anarchy is Order!”
‘I
must Create a System or be enslav’d by
another
Man’s.
I
will not Reason & Compare: my business
is
to Create’
(William
Blake)
During the 19th century, anarchism has develloped as a
result of a social current which aims for freedom and happiness. A number of
factors since World War I have made this movement, and its ideas, dissapear
little by little under the dust of history.
After
the classical anarchism – of which the Spanish Revolution was one of the last
representatives–a ‘new’ kind of resistance was founded in the sixties which
claimed to be based (at least partly) on this anarchism. However this
resistance is often limited to a few (and even then partly misunderstood)
slogans such as ‘Anarchy is order’, ‘Property is theft’,...
Information
about anarchism is often hard to come by, monopolised and intellectual; and
therefore visibly disapearing. The ‘anarchive’ or ‘anarchist archive’ Anarchy
is Order ( in short A.O) is an attempt to make the ‘principles,
propositions and discussions’ of this tradition available again for anyone
it concerns. We believe that these texts are part of our own heritage. They
don’t belong to publishers, institutes or specialists.
These
texts thus have to be available for all anarchists an other people interested.
That is one of the conditions to give anarchism a new impulse, to let the ‘new
anarchism’ outgrow the slogans. This is what makes this project relevant for
us: we must find our roots to be able to renew ourselves. We have to learn from
the mistakes of our socialist past. History has shown that a large number of
the anarchist ideas remain standing, even during the most recent social-economic developments.
‘Anarchy
Is Order’ does not make profits, everything is spread at the price of printing-
and papercosts. This of course creates some limitations for these
archives.
Everyone is invited to spread along the information we
give . This can be done by copying our leaflets, printing texts from the CD (collecting all available texts at a given moment)
that is available or copying it, e-mailing the texts to friends and new ones to
us,... Become your own anarchive!!!
(Be aware though of copyright restrictions. We also
want to make sure that the anarchist or non-commercial printers, publishers and
autors are not being harmed. Our priority on the other hand remains to spread
the ideas, not the ownership of them.)
The
anarchive offers these texts hoping that values like freedom, solidarity and
direct action get a new meaning and will be lived again; so that the
struggle continues against the
“...demons
of flesh and blood, that sway scepters down here;
and
the dirty microbes that send us dark diseases and wish to
squash
us like horseflies;
and
the will-‘o-the-wisp of the saddest ignorance.”
(L-P.
Boon)
The
rest depends as much on you as it depends on us. Don’t mourn, Organise!
Comments,
questions, criticism, cooperation can be sent toA.O@advalvas.be or on www.anarchyisorder.org.
A complete list and updates are available on this
address, new texts are always
welcome!!
An introductory word to the ‘anarchive’
B. Anarchist view on the world:
C. Anarchist values / Principles.
D. Mission statement: strategical goals / mission.
Working fields for the anarchist movement.
1.
Non-violent ‘ social defence’
2.
(Concensus) decision making
"To be GOVERNED is to be watched, inspected, spied upon, directed,
law-driven, numbered, regulated, enrolled, indoctrinated, preached at,
controlled, checked, estimated, valued, censured, commanded, by creatures who
have neither the right nor the wisdom nor the virtue to do so. To be GOVERNED
is to be at every operation, at every transaction noted, registered, counted,
taxed, stamped, measured, numbered, assessed, licensed, authorized, admonished,
prevented, forbidden, reformed, corrected, punished. It is, under pretext of
public utility, and in the name of the general interest, to be place[d] under
contribution, drilled, fleeced, exploited, monopolized, extorted from,
squeezed, hoaxed, robbed; then, at the slightest resistance, the first word of
complaint, to be repressed, fined, vilified, harassed, hunted down, abused,
clubbed, disarmed, bound, choked, imprisoned, judged, condemned, shot,
deported, sacrificed, sold, betrayed; and to crown all, mocked, ridiculed,
derided, outraged, dishonored. That is government; that is its justice; that is
its morality. (…) O human personality! How can it be that you have cowered in
such subjection for sixty centuries?"
(P.-J. Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth
Century, translated by John Beverly Robinson (London: Freedom Press,
1923), pp. 293-294.)
If I were asked to answer the following question: ‘WHAT IS SLAVERY?’ and I
should answer in one word, 'IT IS MURDER', my meaning would be understood at
once. No extended argument would be
required to show that the power to take from a man his thought, his will, his
personality, is a power of life and death; and that to enslave a man is to kill
him. Why, then, to this other
question: ‘WHAT IS PROPERTY!’ may I not
likewise answer, IT IS ROBBERY, without the certainty of being misunderstood;
the second proposition being no other than a transformation of the first?
(Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, ‘What Is Property?’)
Anarchism (from the Gr.
, and
, contrary to authority) is the name given
to a principle or theory of life and conduct under which society is conceived
without government - harmony in such a society being obtained, not by
submission to law, or by obedience to any authority, but by free agreements
concluded between the various groups, territorial and professional, freely
constituted for the sake of production and consumption, as also for the
satisfaction of the infinite variety of needs and aspirations of a civilized
being. In a society developed on these lines, the voluntary associations which
exist already now begin to cover all the fields of human activity would take a
still greater extension so as to substitute themselves for the state in all its
functions. They would represent an interwoven network, composed of an infinite
variety of groups and federations of all sizes and degrees, local, regional,
national and international temporary or more or less permanent - for all
possible purposes: production, consumption and exchange, communications,
sanitary arrangements, education, mutual protection, defence of the territory,
and so on; and, on the other side, for the satisfaction of an ever-increasing
number of scientific, artistic, literary and sociable needs. Moreover, such a
society would represent nothing immutable. On the contrary - as is seen in
organic life at large - harmony would (it is contended) result from an
ever-changing adjustment and readjustment of equilibrium between the multitudes
of forces and influences, and this adjustment would be the easier to obtain as
none of the forces would enjoy a special protection from the state.
(Kropotkin in "Anarchism", from The Encyclopaedia Britannica,
1910.
"All men are equal and free: society by nature, and destination, is
therefore autonomous and ungovernable.
If the sphere of activity of each citizen is determined by the natural
division of work and by the choice he makes of a profession, if the social
functions are combined in such a way as to produce a harmonious effect, order
results from the free activity of all men; there is no government. Whoever
puts a hand on me to govern me is an usurper and a tyrant; I declare him my
enemy."
(From 'Les Confessions d'un Revolutionnaire’, 1849)
“[The French Revolution], that started her sublime work with the
‘Declaration of the Rights of Men’, would only have completed this work when
she had –not only in your country but over the whole surface of the earth-
built the society bases on justice, a society that has to guarantee each of her
members, men and women, equality from birth in so far as this equality depends
on social organization, without taking into account the natural difference
between individuals; a society that –economically and socially- offers each
equal real opportunities to reach –according to abilities to work en powers-
the highest peaks of being human, first by education and instruction, then by
one’s own work, freely in groups or not –labour with muscles as well as with
the sinews, hand and head, the only valid source of all personal,
non-hereditary property which will eventually be regarded as the main basis of
all political and social rights. (…)
We are socialists.” (M. Bakoenin)
Revolution is the creation of new living institutions, new groupings,
new social relationships, it is the destruction of privileges and monopolies;
it is the new spirit of justice, of brotherhood, of freedom which must renew
the whole of social life, the moral level and the material conditions of the
masses by calling on them to provide, through their direct and conscious
action, for their own future.
Revolution is the organization of all public services by those who work
in them in their own interest as well as the publics;
Revolution is the destruction of all coercive ties; it is the autonomy
of groups, of communes, of regions;
Revolution is the free federation brought about by a desire for
brotherhood, by individual and collective interests, by the needs of production
and defence;
Revolution is the constitution of innumerable free groupings based on
ideas, wishes, and tastes of all kinds that exist among the people;
Revolution is the forming and disbanding of thousands of representative,
district, communal, regional, national bodies which, without having any
legislative power; serve to make known and to coordinate the desires and
interests of people near and far and which act through information, advice and
example.
Revolution is freedom proved in the crucible of facts -and lasts so long
as freedom lasts, that is until others, taking advantage of the weariness that
overtakes the masses, of the inevitable disappointments that follow exaggerated
hopes, of the probable errors and human faults, succeed in constituting a power;
which supported by and army of conscripts of mercenaries, lay s down the law,
arrests the movement at the point it has reached, and them begins the reaction.
Errico Malatesta (From back cover of ‘Life and
ideas’ , a collection by Vernon Richards)
There are a few ‘factors’ that have made the world what it is now;
they’ve had at least a directing influence on it. Without trying to be complete:
Church, religion, philosophy: a direct and psychological influence on
society;
Formation of the state, nationalist competition and the repression of
the ‘interior enemy’;
The rise and primate of the capital to the disadvantage of the
hereditary nobility;
Technology, creation of the (working) masses and work ethics and the
extension of transport;
The elaboration of mass-communication, P.R. and propaganda, censorship;
Intensive use of more and more sources (human, natural, animal),
territorial expansion trough colonisation (politically, military and
economically / financially).
All of the above have had their influence on the psychological /
individual, social / economical and political situation
.
It is to be said that to anarchists, the ends must be equal to the
means. Anarchist groups don’t belief (in contradiction to some political
‘rivals’) that opposite goals and means can lead to a satisfactory result or
process. For example, if you want to
emancipate others you can’t force them. The century-old viewing-point ‘The
working-class has to liberate itself’ is certainly to be kept high.
The importance of the pillars such as direct action, solidarity,
self-government, direct democracy, anti-authority, freedom…is huge. They are the support, the red line trough,
for and off the organization of anarchist groups. They are in the first place guidelines, principles, from which
the rest can be deducted. They are the
borders within which the entire organization is constructed and remains
functioning. To make them real is
what’s important in the external and internal communication. In the daily organization the integration of
these pillars in an individual and collective attitude is more important then
following rules and prescriptions.
There are two forms of freedom: ‘freedom of’ and
‘freedom to’.(Fromm, E.) The first is
not really freedom; it’s a negative definition. ‘The world is free of
starvation’, but can everybody freely decide what they are going to eat, how it
will be prepared, how it will be produced…? The latter is ‘freedom to’, a positive
freedom which asks for a stage of autonomy, the possibility to decide and to
act out decisions.
Fromm states that the absence of ‘freedom to’ will
lead to pathological viewing-points (psychologically and socially) which have
to lead inevitably to fascism.
Here we are not talking about a philosophical view
on freedom. We want to give it a real
meaning, without playing word games. We
are aware that absolute ‘freedom to’ does not exist. There are always borders to freedom, practical borders as well as
the borders set by other people. What’s
the value of freedom if it serves to hurt someone else?
b. Direct action
Important is that the ends and the means are set
and reached by those concerned. The
means have to lead directly to the ends.
It cannot make detours to for example the press or the authorities. ‘Civil’ disobedience is in its numerous
shapes a good example of how an unjust law can be charged by simply ignoring it
by acting in the way we feel is just. A
distinction should be made between direct action and symbolic action. Symbolic action is always meant as a signal
to the people or organizations that are in power, whose authority one therefore
acknowledges.
It’s not so that symbolic action isn’t an
option. But we start from the presumption
that it won’t change things fundamentally.
Choosing which method of action and strategy to use is of course also a
matter of practical achievability, priorities, etc….
c. Solidarity
Solidarity is aid or support between two human beings who feel equal to
each other, who recognise each other’s situation Solidarity excludes
paternalism, neither does it stand for the ‘support’ of those who have no power
to those who do. On the contrary, it
means that solidary people support each other on bases of free will and own
initiative, because of connecting ends and interests: I am you and you are me,
who touches you, touches me.
In other words, the relation formed must have a mutual character, be
based on dialogue, coming from a shared responsibility for society worldwide. Because of this responsibility there is a
common ground, next to variety. The
first conditions are that ends, interest and contribution are mutual. Further on, this demands a broadening of the
partners involved in the cooperation. A
last element is the mutual credibility of the partners.
The first condition: the ends are mutual; the relation does not have the
intention that aid is given by only one side.
Both partners won’t to change something in their situation, want to
learn something by getting involved in the relationship.
Secondly: the interests are mutual, both often not identical. Interests are situated on material grounds
or rather on the grounds of humanitarian values or political ideals, or on both
grounds.
A following condition is that the relationship has to construct to the
situation of both partners, there is profit on both sides, both learn
something, both get new ideas,…
d. Self-governance
Everybody must have (take: freedom cannot be given, only taken) complete
autonomy in his/her activities, also and especially within collectives and
between collectives. On the other hand,
these self-governing collectives (autonomous collectives) can’t deny autonomy
to ‘outsiders’.
The aim for self-governance works in two directions. On one hand it stipulates an (as large as
possible) autonomy of every entity (individual, group, organization,…) and on
the other hand an (as large as possible) decentralisation. Cooperation is only considered when this is
relevant (for comfort, pleasure or necessity).
The rest of the ‘pillars’ clearly present a confederative structure, in
which separate units don’t lose their autonomy.
On the other hand it
also brings the responsibility for ‘oneself’ to the attention: it’s in the
first place the responsibility of the entity for itself. To achieve this the entities must provide in
their own means, strategies,... Of course we cannot separate this pillar from
what is said about solidarity;…
Considering that freedom must be taken (it cannot be given) it speaks
for itself that the entity must decide for itself what is offered and demanded
in the social transaction. These kinds
of transactions also require self-discipline: forced or sanctioned solidarity
is no solidarity at all.
All this is also the case for economic matters.
e. Direct Democracy
Within anarchist groups decisions are taken by (real) consensus. On a broader sociological scale it means the
same: the basis decides because there is no top. This basis must have the means for this at all times (in other words:
arrange themselves in such a way that they indeed have these means).
Consensus decision-making is not the only possible model of direct
democracy. In other situations people
can choose to use representation or even voting, people can work with or without
veto’s (sometimes a number of veto’s can be needed to effectively stop a
proposition), people can agree to respect and act out the decision of the
majority,…
In the same manner there can be numerous ways to have such a meeting.
There are different roles that can or cannot be taken up (facilitator, note
taker, time-keeper, preparation-group,…). The ‘rituals’ within the meeting can
also be self-made: codes to signal you want to say something, make a ‘technical
remark’ about the process (requesting a break, suggesting a solution,…) or a
question to make a proposal clearer,…
What’s most important is the attempt to have as many (in fact all)
partners working together towards a solution that leads to a win-win situation
for all partners (see ‘solidarity’).
Who could represent your ideas better than yourself?
Depending on the situation this ideal-type must be changed (while the
autonomy of each entity –person, group,…- is carefully watched).
f. Anti-authoritarianism
An anti-authoritarian bias can be found within the processes as well as
in the social project. No one can be freed by another. Authority (in the sense
of power[1], not so much in the sense of knowledge,
experience,… as far as they don’t become or remain power) is looked upon as a
problem rather than a solution. This principle most often gives discussion with
non-anarchists at large; it is the one that sets anarchists apart most.
Most certainly on the level of society it meets many frowns. Still
anarchists think that repressing deviatory behaviour is often no solution as
behaviour points at social structures that go wrong. In short we can say that:
1. Repression does not really and fundamentally
alter behaviour
2. The causes for particular behaviour tend to
disappear out of sight and out of hand.
Of course it is hard to imagine a world without sanctioning. Even the
anarchist movement today is not free from it, even when there is little open or
formal authority. By making this kind of authority formal it is easier handled
or ignored, so formalising it has pro’s and contra’s.
“The anarchist movement (her members and supporters) wants
to bring information and discussion (education) and meeting (networking)
and action (activation) to organizations, individuals and suppliers
in an efficient, clear, effective and honest manner
through her information centres, food kitchens and the activities,
infrastructure, knowledge, support and know-how of the organizations and
individuals, her actions, her information-bulletins,…
in return for financial, material and moral support, feedback and
self-activity
in order to contribute to a fundamental social change
which is based on ‘freedom, self-governance, direct action, solidarity,
direct democracy and anti-authoritarian living’.
Anarchy is Order.
And:
From the 18th century, anarchism evolved as a
way of working towards freedom and happiness. A combination of things has
covered much of these ideas with the dust of history, blood and tears.
“We try to grow into individual and social
‘defense’ and ‘attack’ against injustice (sexism, racism, war, exploitation,
unfreedom, ...) and the systems of power over others in general.
Social defence is the response of solidary
individuals and communities to undesired events in the outside world as
disaster, military coup, financial market crashes, war, AIDS,...
Attack means taking the initiative: we want
another world and we are the ones to make it. (Why don’t we set a date to it?)
We will make it acting on principles as
freedom/autonomy/anti-authoritarianism, solidarity, direct action.
In a world like ours, it’s important to know
which side you’re trying to be on, without needing a promised utopia, a Kingdom
Come. Anarchism is an ongoing process, never a standstill.” (A.O mission statement)
The anarchist archive ‘Anarchy is Order’ is one
of the attempts to make the original resources available. We try to archive and
learn from anarchist texts and spread them; we try to offer education to
individuals and groups, to activate them, bond them and be a catalysing factor.
Let’s bring anarchism to life. So that values
like freedom, solidarity and direct action get new meaning, are lived again and
the battle continues against the ‘demons of flesh and blood, that sway
scepters down here; and the dirty microbes that send us dark diseases and wish
to squash us like horseflies; and the will-‘o-the-wisp of the saddest
ignorance’. (L-P. Boon)
Murray Bookchin uses a diagram to make the working
fields of the anarchist movement clear. I use his diagram in a different way
than he does. Where he tries to find
arguments to favour one of them, I try to see how we can combine them. Through
history and varying from person to person the anarchist movement has laid
different accents and created different tools (action methods as well as
organizational forms and principles) to address different realities and
priorities that all have value in their own right. It is meaningless to set
them up against each other.
|
1. STATE (parliamentary
democracy, dictatorship,…) |
4. POLITICS (direct
democracy,…) |
|
2. (WAGE-)LABOUR & CONSUMPTION |
5. SOCIAL CAPITAL (network of mutual aid, volunteer work,…) |
|
3. PERSONAL SPHERE (classical or culturally adapted) |
6.
PSYCHOLOGICAL CAPITAL (experimental or culturally new or different) |
In the diagram the upper row (1 and 4) contains the public sphere: the
common interest, human dignity,… The last rows (2, 3, 5, 6) contains the
private sphere: survival, self-interest, particularism, sociability,…
The last row (3, 6) stands for the search for a safe home, happiness,…
Roughly spoken the left half is ‘how it is’. The right side is the
(anarchist?) conquering of space, the fulfilling of reality ourselves.
Forms of ‘psychological capital’ (even if the struggle is collective)
can be: alternative ways of housing and living, women’s liberation,
anti-authoritarian education, sexual liberation, gay liberation,…
Examples of ‘social capital’ include the economical: cooperative
working, LETS,… but also free schools, cultural initiatives,…
The ‘political side’ are suspected in the organizational principles of
anarchist groups, the green parties in their begin-stadium, action-groups,…
Fundamentally, I see it as a question of survival that the anarchist
movement reaches all fields at the same time and therefore uses as many methods
as possible : if we don’t cooperate or make room for the various preferences
and priorities, the anarchist movement will remain as it is now : nothing!
In short, this means :
1) Create a place where people can meet, where they can talk about
strategy, means, activities,…and where they can gather information that can be
made useable. At the same time a common
infrastructure is gathered there (computers, internet-connection, archives,…).
Squats, info shops and magazine can have a part in this.
2) In these (or other) places actions can be put together and prepared:
we can learn how to have meetings, how to plan and execute our actions; how to
(or not to) approach the press. In
these places we have to get involved in our communities instead of spitting on
them while staring ourselves blind on the history of the world.
3) We are looking for contact with equal minded individuals to handle
bigger projects and exchange experience and information about the various
themes that we are occupied in.
4) We organise a local deliberation with the groups we want involved (to
keep each other informed and to help each other) and with as many individuals
as possible. The group has to split up
when more and more people join in, and organise itself in the local districts
according to where the members of the group live. Of course deliberations between towns remain, as well as contacts
with the ‘outside’.
5) We organise ourselves in the places where we work, the unions will be
one of the themegroups, with deliberation per theme and geographically (they
have to consult the surrounding communities too). When the old system disappears (because of a stockmarket crash or
because of a revolution) this union has to take over production and
distribution, and it must not tolerate new bosses. In the mean time collectives
and cooperatives can be started to gain experience with non – hierarchic
organization of production and distribution.
In general money, printing presses...and so on have to be collected.
Knowledge and know-how must be parted and training and solidarity must be
organised (for example to be activated at special occasions as big
conferences,…)
We must help each other cast off the influence of capitalism on
ourselves. We must put aside our insecurities en the related swollen egos. More
than anything else this forming of personality is the result and hottest
battlefield of the diffuse fascism/ the way we meet, organise, write, talk, make
pamphlets,… There is a (diffuse) fascist pig in each of us that must be killed.
1. General
In relation to the
evolution of organizations (e.g. size,...) and the world around it (chances and
threats) we must be able to switch easily between different organizational
forms, decision- and deliberation structures,…
Each group must also
permanently try to combine different strategies and levels of operation.
Each individual
remains autonomous. No one can be forced to de anything. No one can stop anyone
from doing anything. These are the decision-making starting points. As wide as
possible REAL consensus is necessary to make decisions useful.
The developing of
strategies of course presumes in the first place the draw up of ends. This is the case for every individual, for
every group and for the movement as a whole.
The ends have to be
stated on a short, medium long and long (or strategical, tactical, and
operational) bases.
In the present
situation this stating of ends is our first priority.
To make this
possible platforms must be created on a local, national, international and
thematical bases.
These also have to
serve to make education and solidarity possible.
b. Strategy
I would like to point out the different parts that the strategy of every
individual, every group, the movement as a whole must contain.
“There are at least three ways of dealing with a situation.
You can neutralise, activate or destroy. Neutralising is creating space.
Activating is gaining support.
Destroying is winning. What’s
more: it’s essential to learn how to use those three at the same time. (…)
The answer (the method of struggle) must contain three elements
a way to survive
a way to exploit cracks in the enemy-camp
an underground strategy.”
The different ‘facets’ will all need a proper strategy with own
priorities and tactics. Here it’s
important that the ends are clearly formulated and that we stay true to
them. It is also important that we keep
on nourishing a mutual trust and that we keep considering the different
strategies as ‘variations on a theme’, within which everyone can keep their
identity, but at the same time everything remains discussable.
Another aspect of strategy is to make sure that the anarchist movement
can gain from the efforts of its work.
Too often others (NGO’s, trotksyists, authoritarian individuals,…) will
steal the results of our work. We have to keep the initiative in our own hands.
The enemy is easy to
sum up in general terms: relations of power in all kinds of forms and
situations. ‘ There is a cop in everyone of us…he must be killed.’