pépé
Anarchy
is order
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“A
political program has value insofar as it –rising above vague generalities-
makes clear precisely which organization it proposes to replace those it wants
to overthrow or reform.”
(Michael
Bakunin in ‘Writings against Marx’)
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Principles,
Propositions & Discussions for Land & Freedom |
Time after time I think about
how different things could have been of I didn’t get into contact with people
and groups that made it possible for me to become what I became. No matter how
you look at it, personal contacts and individual experience are the main
factors in one’s (political) formation and evolution. Why did I become an
anarchist? By chance and by need. What else would I have become? I never
planned on becoming an anarchist.
Standing up from falling down
(again) I moved on. I’ve been enchanted and I’ve been disgusted by the
anarchist movement; I cursed the people and missed them; hated them and loved
them. I’ve had dreams and been in despair. Said farewell en received people and
ideas with open arms. I’ve been smart and I’ve been an ass.
In short I was little different
from anybody else, but each has his path and each path has its ways.
Anarchism has been my path for
more than half my life now, at first vague and instictive, later a bit more
rational an with more doubts about some things. Because I had the feeling that
a lot of things weren’t going as well as they could go –and cerntainly as good
as they should-, that the movement didn’t use its full potential and that there
were no platforms to discuss this –far beside from changing them together, I
started reading , thinking and discussing in small circles.
What you have before you now is
the result of years in the anarchist desert and my way to answer the pale and
the petty. This is an invitation to all envolved to gather up arms and wrap
them around eachother. There is no time to lose. This is my invitation not to
let go. Anarchism or barbarism. Anarchy is Order.
This is a proposition to the
anarchist movement at large. Where do we go from here? Don’t mourn, organize!
Because I think we need both go back to basics about our theory as to find a
new reality, a new practice. Words are not enough, but a good beginning.
Pépé November 2004.
“Anarchy is Order!”
‘I
must Create a System or be enslav’d by
another
Man’s.
I
will not Reason & Compare: my business
is
to Create’
(William
Blake)
During the 19th century, anarchism has develloped as a
result of a social current which aims for freedom and happiness. A number of
factors since World War I have made this movement, and its ideas, dissapear
little by little under the dust of history.
After
the classical anarchism – of which the Spanish Revolution was one of the last
representatives–a ‘new’ kind of resistance was founded in the sixties which
claimed to be based (at least partly) on this anarchism. However this
resistance is often limited to a few (and even then partly misunderstood)
slogans such as ‘Anarchy is order’, ‘Property is theft’,...
Information
about anarchism is often hard to come by, monopolised and intellectual; and
therefore visibly disapearing. The ‘anarchive’ or ‘anarchist archive’ Anarchy
is Order ( in short A.O) is an attempt to make the ‘principles,
propositions and discussions’ of this tradition available again for anyone
it concerns. We believe that these texts are part of our own heritage. They
don’t belong to publishers, institutes or specialists.
These
texts thus have to be available for all anarchists an other people interested.
That is one of the conditions to give anarchism a new impulse, to let the ‘new
anarchism’ outgrow the slogans. This is what makes this project relevant for
us: we must find our roots to be able to renew ourselves. We have to learn from
the mistakes of our socialist past. History has shown that a large number of
the anarchist ideas remain standing, even during the most recent social-economic developments.
‘Anarchy
Is Order’ does not make profits, everything is spread at the price of printing-
and papercosts. This of course creates some limitations for these
archives.
Everyone is invited to spread along the information we
give . This can be done by copying our leaflets, printing texts from the CD (collecting all available texts at a given moment)
that is available or copying it, e-mailing the texts to friends and new ones to
us,... Become your own anarchive!!!
(Be aware though of copyright restrictions. We also
want to make sure that the anarchist or non-commercial printers, publishers and
autors are not being harmed. Our priority on the other hand remains to spread
the ideas, not the ownership of them.)
The
anarchive offers these texts hoping that values like freedom, solidarity and
direct action get a new meaning and will be lived again; so that the
struggle continues against the
“...demons
of flesh and blood, that sway scepters down here;
and
the dirty microbes that send us dark diseases and wish to
squash
us like horseflies;
and
the will-‘o-the-wisp of the saddest ignorance.”
(L-P.
Boon)
The
rest depends as much on you as it depends on us. Don’t mourn, Organise!
Comments,
questions, criticism, cooperation can be sent toA.O@advalvas.be or on www.anarchyisorder.org.
A complete list and updates are available on this
address, new texts are always
welcome!!
An introductory word to the ‘anarchive’
B. Anarchist view on the world:
C. Anarchist values / Principles.
D. Mission statement: strategical goals / mission.
Working fields for the anarchist movement.
1.
Non-violent ‘ social defence’
2.
(Concensus) decision making
"To be GOVERNED is to be watched, inspected, spied upon, directed,
law-driven, numbered, regulated, enrolled, indoctrinated, preached at,
controlled, checked, estimated, valued, censured, commanded, by creatures who
have neither the right nor the wisdom nor the virtue to do so. To be GOVERNED
is to be at every operation, at every transaction noted, registered, counted,
taxed, stamped, measured, numbered, assessed, licensed, authorized, admonished,
prevented, forbidden, reformed, corrected, punished. It is, under pretext of
public utility, and in the name of the general interest, to be place[d] under
contribution, drilled, fleeced, exploited, monopolized, extorted from,
squeezed, hoaxed, robbed; then, at the slightest resistance, the first word of
complaint, to be repressed, fined, vilified, harassed, hunted down, abused,
clubbed, disarmed, bound, choked, imprisoned, judged, condemned, shot,
deported, sacrificed, sold, betrayed; and to crown all, mocked, ridiculed,
derided, outraged, dishonored. That is government; that is its justice; that is
its morality. (…) O human personality! How can it be that you have cowered in
such subjection for sixty centuries?"
(P.-J. Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth
Century, translated by John Beverly Robinson (London: Freedom Press,
1923), pp. 293-294.)
If I were asked to answer the following question: ‘WHAT IS SLAVERY?’ and I
should answer in one word, 'IT IS MURDER', my meaning would be understood at
once. No extended argument would be
required to show that the power to take from a man his thought, his will, his
personality, is a power of life and death; and that to enslave a man is to kill
him. Why, then, to this other
question: ‘WHAT IS PROPERTY!’ may I not
likewise answer, IT IS ROBBERY, without the certainty of being misunderstood;
the second proposition being no other than a transformation of the first?
(Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, ‘What Is Property?’)
Anarchism (from the Gr.
, and
, contrary to authority) is the name given
to a principle or theory of life and conduct under which society is conceived
without government - harmony in such a society being obtained, not by
submission to law, or by obedience to any authority, but by free agreements
concluded between the various groups, territorial and professional, freely
constituted for the sake of production and consumption, as also for the
satisfaction of the infinite variety of needs and aspirations of a civilized
being. In a society developed on these lines, the voluntary associations which
exist already now begin to cover all the fields of human activity would take a
still greater extension so as to substitute themselves for the state in all its
functions. They would represent an interwoven network, composed of an infinite
variety of groups and federations of all sizes and degrees, local, regional,
national and international temporary or more or less permanent - for all
possible purposes: production, consumption and exchange, communications,
sanitary arrangements, education, mutual protection, defence of the territory,
and so on; and, on the other side, for the satisfaction of an ever-increasing
number of scientific, artistic, literary and sociable needs. Moreover, such a
society would represent nothing immutable. On the contrary - as is seen in
organic life at large - harmony would (it is contended) result from an
ever-changing adjustment and readjustment of equilibrium between the multitudes
of forces and influences, and this adjustment would be the easier to obtain as
none of the forces would enjoy a special protection from the state.
(Kropotkin in "Anarchism", from The Encyclopaedia Britannica,
1910.
"All men are equal and free: society by nature, and destination, is
therefore autonomous and ungovernable.
If the sphere of activity of each citizen is determined by the natural
division of work and by the choice he makes of a profession, if the social
functions are combined in such a way as to produce a harmonious effect, order
results from the free activity of all men; there is no government. Whoever
puts a hand on me to govern me is an usurper and a tyrant; I declare him my
enemy."
(From 'Les Confessions d'un Revolutionnaire’, 1849)
“[The French Revolution], that started her sublime work with the
‘Declaration of the Rights of Men’, would only have completed this work when
she had –not only in your country but over the whole surface of the earth-
built the society bases on justice, a society that has to guarantee each of her
members, men and women, equality from birth in so far as this equality depends
on social organization, without taking into account the natural difference
between individuals; a society that –economically and socially- offers each
equal real opportunities to reach –according to abilities to work en powers-
the highest peaks of being human, first by education and instruction, then by
one’s own work, freely in groups or not –labour with muscles as well as with
the sinews, hand and head, the only valid source of all personal,
non-hereditary property which will eventually be regarded as the main basis of
all political and social rights. (…)
We are socialists.” (M. Bakoenin)
Revolution is the creation of new living institutions, new groupings,
new social relationships, it is the destruction of privileges and monopolies;
it is the new spirit of justice, of brotherhood, of freedom which must renew
the whole of social life, the moral level and the material conditions of the
masses by calling on them to provide, through their direct and conscious
action, for their own future.
Revolution is the organization of all public services by those who work
in them in their own interest as well as the publics;
Revolution is the destruction of all coercive ties; it is the autonomy
of groups, of communes, of regions;
Revolution is the free federation brought about by a desire for
brotherhood, by individual and collective interests, by the needs of production
and defence;
Revolution is the constitution of innumerable free groupings based on
ideas, wishes, and tastes of all kinds that exist among the people;
Revolution is the forming and disbanding of thousands of representative,
district, communal, regional, national bodies which, without having any
legislative power; serve to make known and to coordinate the desires and
interests of people near and far and which act through information, advice and
example.
Revolution is freedom proved in the crucible of facts -and lasts so long
as freedom lasts, that is until others, taking advantage of the weariness that
overtakes the masses, of the inevitable disappointments that follow exaggerated
hopes, of the probable errors and human faults, succeed in constituting a power;
which supported by and army of conscripts of mercenaries, lay s down the law,
arrests the movement at the point it has reached, and them begins the reaction.
Errico Malatesta (From back cover of ‘Life and
ideas’ , a collection by Vernon Richards)
There are a few ‘factors’ that have made the world what it is now;
they’ve had at least a directing influence on it. Without trying to be complete:
Church, religion, philosophy: a direct and psychological influence on
society;
Formation of the state, nationalist competition and the repression of
the ‘interior enemy’;
The rise and primate of the capital to the disadvantage of the
hereditary nobility;
Technology, creation of the (working) masses and work ethics and the
extension of transport;
The elaboration of mass-communication, P.R. and propaganda, censorship;
Intensive use of more and more sources (human, natural, animal),
territorial expansion trough colonisation (politically, military and
economically / financially).
All of the above have had their influence on the psychological /
individual, social / economical and political situation
.
It is to be said that to anarchists, the ends must be equal to the
means. Anarchist groups don’t belief (in contradiction to some political
‘rivals’) that opposite goals and means can lead to a satisfactory result or
process. For example, if you want to
emancipate others you can’t force them. The century-old viewing-point ‘The
working-class has to liberate itself’ is certainly to be kept high.
The importance of the pillars such as direct action, solidarity,
self-government, direct democracy, anti-authority, freedom…is huge. They are the support, the red line trough,
for and off the organization of anarchist groups. They are in the first place guidelines, principles, from which
the rest can be deducted. They are the
borders within which the entire organization is constructed and remains
functioning. To make them real is
what’s important in the external and internal communication. In the daily organization the integration of
these pillars in an individual and collective attitude is more important then
following rules and prescriptions.
There are two forms of freedom: ‘freedom of’ and
‘freedom to’.(Fromm, E.) The first is
not really freedom; it’s a negative definition. ‘The world is free of
starvation’, but can everybody freely decide what they are going to eat, how it
will be prepared, how it will be produced…? The latter is ‘freedom to’, a positive
freedom which asks for a stage of autonomy, the possibility to decide and to
act out decisions.
Fromm states that the absence of ‘freedom to’ will
lead to pathological viewing-points (psychologically and socially) which have
to lead inevitably to fascism.
Here we are not talking about a philosophical view
on freedom. We want to give it a real
meaning, without playing word games. We
are aware that absolute ‘freedom to’ does not exist. There are always borders to freedom, practical borders as well as
the borders set by other people. What’s
the value of freedom if it serves to hurt someone else?
b. Direct action
Important is that the ends and the means are set
and reached by those concerned. The
means have to lead directly to the ends.
It cannot make detours to for example the press or the authorities. ‘Civil’ disobedience is in its numerous
shapes a good example of how an unjust law can be charged by simply ignoring it
by acting in the way we feel is just. A
distinction should be made between direct action and symbolic action. Symbolic action is always meant as a signal
to the people or organizations that are in power, whose authority one therefore
acknowledges.
It’s not so that symbolic action isn’t an
option. But we start from the presumption
that it won’t change things fundamentally.
Choosing which method of action and strategy to use is of course also a
matter of practical achievability, priorities, etc….
c. Solidarity
Solidarity is aid or support between two human beings who feel equal to
each other, who recognise each other’s situation Solidarity excludes
paternalism, neither does it stand for the ‘support’ of those who have no power
to those who do. On the contrary, it
means that solidary people support each other on bases of free will and own
initiative, because of connecting ends and interests: I am you and you are me,
who touches you, touches me.
In other words, the relation formed must have a mutual character, be
based on dialogue, coming from a shared responsibility for society worldwide. Because of this responsibility there is a
common ground, next to variety. The
first conditions are that ends, interest and contribution are mutual. Further on, this demands a broadening of the
partners involved in the cooperation. A
last element is the mutual credibility of the partners.
The first condition: the ends are mutual; the relation does not have the
intention that aid is given by only one side.
Both partners won’t to change something in their situation, want to
learn something by getting involved in the relationship.
Secondly: the interests are mutual, both often not identical. Interests are situated on material grounds
or rather on the grounds of humanitarian values or political ideals, or on both
grounds.
A following condition is that the relationship has to construct to the
situation of both partners, there is profit on both sides, both learn
something, both get new ideas,…
d. Self-governance
Everybody must have (take: freedom cannot be given, only taken) complete
autonomy in his/her activities, also and especially within collectives and
between collectives. On the other hand,
these self-governing collectives (autonomous collectives) can’t deny autonomy
to ‘outsiders’.
The aim for self-governance works in two directions. On one hand it stipulates an (as large as
possible) autonomy of every entity (individual, group, organization,…) and on
the other hand an (as large as possible) decentralisation. Cooperation is only considered when this is
relevant (for comfort, pleasure or necessity).
The rest of the ‘pillars’ clearly present a confederative structure, in
which separate units don’t lose their autonomy.
On the other hand it
also brings the responsibility for ‘oneself’ to the attention: it’s in the
first place the responsibility of the entity for itself. To achieve this the entities must provide in
their own means, strategies,... Of course we cannot separate this pillar from
what is said about solidarity;…
Considering that freedom must be taken (it cannot be given) it speaks
for itself that the entity must decide for itself what is offered and demanded
in the social transaction. These kinds
of transactions also require self-discipline: forced or sanctioned solidarity
is no solidarity at all.
All this is also the case for economic matters.
e. Direct Democracy
Within anarchist groups decisions are taken by (real) consensus. On a broader sociological scale it means the
same: the basis decides because there is no top. This basis must have the means for this at all times (in other words:
arrange themselves in such a way that they indeed have these means).
Consensus decision-making is not the only possible model of direct
democracy. In other situations people
can choose to use representation or even voting, people can work with or without
veto’s (sometimes a number of veto’s can be needed to effectively stop a
proposition), people can agree to respect and act out the decision of the
majority,…
In the same manner there can be numerous ways to have such a meeting.
There are different roles that can or cannot be taken up (facilitator, note
taker, time-keeper, preparation-group,…). The ‘rituals’ within the meeting can
also be self-made: codes to signal you want to say something, make a ‘technical
remark’ about the process (requesting a break, suggesting a solution,…) or a
question to make a proposal clearer,…
What’s most important is the attempt to have as many (in fact all)
partners working together towards a solution that leads to a win-win situation
for all partners (see ‘solidarity’).
Who could represent your ideas better than yourself?
Depending on the situation this ideal-type must be changed (while the
autonomy of each entity –person, group,…- is carefully watched).
f. Anti-authoritarianism
An anti-authoritarian bias can be found within the processes as well as
in the social project. No one can be freed by another. Authority (in the sense
of power[1], not so much in the sense of knowledge,
experience,… as far as they don’t become or remain power) is looked upon as a
problem rather than a solution. This principle most often gives discussion with
non-anarchists at large; it is the one that sets anarchists apart most.
Most certainly on the level of society it meets many frowns. Still
anarchists think that repressing deviatory behaviour is often no solution as
behaviour points at social structures that go wrong. In short we can say that:
1. Repression does not really and fundamentally
alter behaviour
2. The causes for particular behaviour tend to
disappear out of sight and out of hand.
Of course it is hard to imagine a world without sanctioning. Even the
anarchist movement today is not free from it, even when there is little open or
formal authority. By making this kind of authority formal it is easier handled
or ignored, so formalising it has pro’s and contra’s.
“The anarchist movement (her members and supporters) wants
to bring information and discussion (education) and meeting (networking)
and action (activation) to organizations, individuals and suppliers
in an efficient, clear, effective and honest manner
through her information centres, food kitchens and the activities,
infrastructure, knowledge, support and know-how of the organizations and
individuals, her actions, her information-bulletins,…
in return for financial, material and moral support, feedback and
self-activity
in order to contribute to a fundamental social change
which is based on ‘freedom, self-governance, direct action, solidarity,
direct democracy and anti-authoritarian living’.
Anarchy is Order.
And:
From the 18th century, anarchism evolved as a
way of working towards freedom and happiness. A combination of things has
covered much of these ideas with the dust of history, blood and tears.
“We try to grow into individual and social
‘defense’ and ‘attack’ against injustice (sexism, racism, war, exploitation,
unfreedom, ...) and the systems of power over others in general.
Social defence is the response of solidary
individuals and communities to undesired events in the outside world as
disaster, military coup, financial market crashes, war, AIDS,...
Attack means taking the initiative: we want
another world and we are the ones to make it. (Why don’t we set a date to it?)
We will make it acting on principles as
freedom/autonomy/anti-authoritarianism, solidarity, direct action.
In a world like ours, it’s important to know
which side you’re trying to be on, without needing a promised utopia, a Kingdom
Come. Anarchism is an ongoing process, never a standstill.” (A.O mission statement)
The anarchist archive ‘Anarchy is Order’ is one
of the attempts to make the original resources available. We try to archive and
learn from anarchist texts and spread them; we try to offer education to
individuals and groups, to activate them, bond them and be a catalysing factor.
Let’s bring anarchism to life. So that values
like freedom, solidarity and direct action get new meaning, are lived again and
the battle continues against the ‘demons of flesh and blood, that sway
scepters down here; and the dirty microbes that send us dark diseases and wish
to squash us like horseflies; and the will-‘o-the-wisp of the saddest
ignorance’. (L-P. Boon)
Murray Bookchin uses a diagram to make the working
fields of the anarchist movement clear. I use his diagram in a different way
than he does. Where he tries to find
arguments to favour one of them, I try to see how we can combine them. Through
history and varying from person to person the anarchist movement has laid
different accents and created different tools (action methods as well as
organizational forms and principles) to address different realities and
priorities that all have value in their own right. It is meaningless to set
them up against each other.
|
1. STATE (parliamentary
democracy, dictatorship,…) |
4. POLITICS (direct
democracy,…) |
|
2. (WAGE-)LABOUR & CONSUMPTION |
5. SOCIAL CAPITAL (network of mutual aid, volunteer work,…) |
|
3. PERSONAL SPHERE (classical or culturally adapted) |
6.
PSYCHOLOGICAL CAPITAL (experimental or culturally new or different) |
In the diagram the upper row (1 and 4) contains the public sphere: the
common interest, human dignity,… The last rows (2, 3, 5, 6) contains the
private sphere: survival, self-interest, particularism, sociability,…
The last row (3, 6) stands for the search for a safe home, happiness,…
Roughly spoken the left half is ‘how it is’. The right side is the
(anarchist?) conquering of space, the fulfilling of reality ourselves.
Forms of ‘psychological capital’ (even if the struggle is collective)
can be: alternative ways of housing and living, women’s liberation,
anti-authoritarian education, sexual liberation, gay liberation,…
Examples of ‘social capital’ include the economical: cooperative
working, LETS,… but also free schools, cultural initiatives,…
The ‘political side’ are suspected in the organizational principles of
anarchist groups, the green parties in their begin-stadium, action-groups,…
Fundamentally, I see it as a question of survival that the anarchist
movement reaches all fields at the same time and therefore uses as many methods
as possible : if we don’t cooperate or make room for the various preferences
and priorities, the anarchist movement will remain as it is now : nothing!
In short, this means :
1) Create a place where people can meet, where they can talk about
strategy, means, activities,…and where they can gather information that can be
made useable. At the same time a common
infrastructure is gathered there (computers, internet-connection, archives,…).
Squats, info shops and magazine can have a part in this.
2) In these (or other) places actions can be put together and prepared:
we can learn how to have meetings, how to plan and execute our actions; how to
(or not to) approach the press. In
these places we have to get involved in our communities instead of spitting on
them while staring ourselves blind on the history of the world.
3) We are looking for contact with equal minded individuals to handle
bigger projects and exchange experience and information about the various
themes that we are occupied in.
4) We organise a local deliberation with the groups we want involved (to
keep each other informed and to help each other) and with as many individuals
as possible. The group has to split up
when more and more people join in, and organise itself in the local districts
according to where the members of the group live. Of course deliberations between towns remain, as well as contacts
with the ‘outside’.
5) We organise ourselves in the places where we work, the unions will be
one of the themegroups, with deliberation per theme and geographically (they
have to consult the surrounding communities too). When the old system disappears (because of a stockmarket crash or
because of a revolution) this union has to take over production and
distribution, and it must not tolerate new bosses. In the mean time collectives
and cooperatives can be started to gain experience with non – hierarchic
organization of production and distribution.
In general money, printing presses...and so on have to be collected.
Knowledge and know-how must be parted and training and solidarity must be
organised (for example to be activated at special occasions as big
conferences,…)
We must help each other cast off the influence of capitalism on
ourselves. We must put aside our insecurities en the related swollen egos. More
than anything else this forming of personality is the result and hottest
battlefield of the diffuse fascism/ the way we meet, organise, write, talk, make
pamphlets,… There is a (diffuse) fascist pig in each of us that must be killed.
1. General
In relation to the
evolution of organizations (e.g. size,...) and the world around it (chances and
threats) we must be able to switch easily between different organizational
forms, decision- and deliberation structures,…
Each group must also
permanently try to combine different strategies and levels of operation.
Each individual
remains autonomous. No one can be forced to de anything. No one can stop anyone
from doing anything. These are the decision-making starting points. As wide as
possible REAL consensus is necessary to make decisions useful.
The developing of
strategies of course presumes in the first place the draw up of ends. This is the case for every individual, for
every group and for the movement as a whole.
The ends have to be
stated on a short, medium long and long (or strategical, tactical, and
operational) bases.
In the present
situation this stating of ends is our first priority.
To make this
possible platforms must be created on a local, national, international and
thematical bases.
These also have to
serve to make education and solidarity possible.
b. Strategy
I would like to point out the different parts that the strategy of every
individual, every group, the movement as a whole must contain.
“There are at least three ways of dealing with a situation.
You can neutralise, activate or destroy. Neutralising is creating space.
Activating is gaining support.
Destroying is winning. What’s
more: it’s essential to learn how to use those three at the same time. (…)
The answer (the method of struggle) must contain three elements
a way to survive
a way to exploit cracks in the enemy-camp
an underground strategy.”
The different ‘facets’ will all need a proper strategy with own
priorities and tactics. Here it’s
important that the ends are clearly formulated and that we stay true to
them. It is also important that we keep
on nourishing a mutual trust and that we keep considering the different
strategies as ‘variations on a theme’, within which everyone can keep their
identity, but at the same time everything remains discussable.
Another aspect of strategy is to make sure that the anarchist movement
can gain from the efforts of its work.
Too often others (NGO’s, trotksyists, authoritarian individuals,…) will
steal the results of our work. We have to keep the initiative in our own hands.
The enemy is easy to
sum up in general terms: relations of power in all kinds of forms and
situations. ‘ There is a cop in everyone of us…he must be killed.’
d. Networking
The gaining and activation of support is of great importance. In the first place I consider gaining
support from the ‘population’ or the specific target group of the anarchist
groups and the entire movement.
On the other hand there is also the networking aspect: which social
organizations can be of value in what kind of alliance and which organizations
should be avoided as much as possible?
Above I have formulated a number of statements about this. It is important to stipulate that alliances
should be a well considered true choice (based on voluntary association) and
that they should be at least compatible with the ends, and ideally should bring
the ultimate goal as close as possible.
e. Information,
discussion and encounter (internal and external)
Here it’s important
that infrastructure is made real: the ‘possibility to’ and the ‘invitation to’.
Safety and providing
for this safety have a number of different aspects:
- there’s the safety
of ‘contents’ ( ends, reformism,...);
- there’s always the
danger of the internal process being disturbed by people of good will ( for a
number of political and personal reasons) as well as by people who try to cause
harm to the organization by acting as ‘provocateurs’ or ‘informants’.
The latter can come
from all kinds of governmental or private organizations, but also from
political rivals.
Safety must be made
real within the group itself as well as within cooperatives, platforms,…. Ways have got to be found to deal with this
without creating a sectarian paranoia.
In short, we always
have to take into account the following:
juridical freedom (
judgement of and preparedness to the possible consequences)
quality of process and
quality of results (in capitalist terms: efficiency and effectiveness).
According to me, a
large part of the answer is situated in training (juridical and in terms of
management aspects such as discussion techniques, financial clearvoyance…).
Next to that I also
believe in clear procedures and agreements: what will be acted out in what way,
who plays which role and has what function, what happens when there’s a
conflict,...?
g. Solidarity
An important reason to organise is
undoubtedly the need for solidarity and cooperation. This need can be felt in all aspects and all ‘levels’
(thematically, locally, regionally, nationally and globally).
Solidarity can take a number of forms, but is
always linked with those aspects and levels.
Solidarity should not only exist within the separate groups, it should
also exist between them. Solidarity
means next to coping together with setbacks and repression also a positive view
on the world and supporting others to start acting, individually as well as
collectively.
Many forms of solidarity have to be
consciously organised and cannot depend on coincidence or goodwill. This becomes very clear when we look at
‘international’ solidarity. This can
take form in local solidarity actions, mobilising people to go help others
elsewhere, provide infrastructure and logistical support, help financially,
offer training and education,…
Every group or organization has to consider
how this solidarity can be integrated best. Furthermore this offers the
opportunity to come out with the group and the themes that need funding. It seems useful to harbour a part of the
funding in specific supporting organizations, which can use them further on.
2. Facets
a.
Individual / psychological capital
On the individual
surface the attention should be given to ‘deprogramming’, the education of each
other (in personal matters but also concerning theory and methods of action).
Practical solidarity
too must be made real through affinity groups (non- official ties of
friendship).
Trough the other
‘facets’ we have to achieve all kinds of education, which enables the
autonomous functioning within and without the movement. Life as a revolutionary anarchist has a lot
of consequences in our psychology, the social life, life on the work floor,…
On the other hand
various more or less formal projects can be started; such as free schools,
alternative ways of life and living, sexual liberation, anti-authoritarian
upbringing,…
Next to all this
attention should definitely be given too the various themes and action-movement
can choose as subject. This aspect has
been most researched within the movement, even so that ‘activism’ i.e. seems to
be a description of a new ideology in the traditional media.
It would be stupid
not to elaborate this aspect further.
The strongest points of the movement have to be kept. The anarchist movement has in many places a
monopoly of knowledge, know-how and action-experience on many fields. This
aspect of the anarchist movement (the fact that it acts, and acts well) makes
her one of the few treats for the existing order, especially because the
movement doesn’t negotiate and therefore seems uncontrollable.
We’ve mentioned
before that the multiplicity of themes and the separate action groups around
them don’t support the unity of the movement but lead us to the fragmentation
of it.
There must be
follow-up of concrete themes by the collectives. These collectives can gather information and even start action
campagnes, while they can mobilise and organise within the other structures.
The collectives must
be confederated geographically per theme and they should discuss
‘interthematic’ as well, concerning contents, techniques and practices with
each other. Here they can work with
representants of regional groups. At least
communication structures should be set up.
There are two
examples:
- common
infrastructure, training / education, magazine / promotion,…
- classical themes
such as environment, refugees, repression, feminism, information.
c. Politics
Anarchist groups should be founded regionally, they should split up
after they’ve reached a certain number of members and if wanted should work in
a smaller region. These groups are
independent but are confederated with each other. For this we refer to the ‘Liberal Municipalism’ of Murray
Bookchin.
What’s most important is to build a parallel decision making structure,
which can first of all bring decision-making back home by simply deciding
things and acting accordingly. On the other hand we can demand official
political levels to grant us certain claims (e.g. certain urgent issues we
simply cannot address to ourselves). Purpose and strategy must be clear for
every-one if we want to avoid ruptures later on or people feeling betrayed.
To get to the point, I suggest that this grows from the deliberation
structures between the action groups and the infrastructure groups, with the
general idea that as many people possible are present (every group or
organization can send a representant for the communication between the groups,
next to that room is made for decisions of anarchist individuals who want to
work together).
It’s handy to use one or more themes as a stepping stone on which
propositions should be made and results gained: an intergovernmental summit
(cooperatives is needed over the city borders), may-day, a long term campaign
concerning housing and everything that goes with it (property, production and
consumption, playgrounds,…).
For all this the theme groups can deliver
information and knowledge (raw information or well-thought of propositions, the
role of an info centre, where actuality is kept can make a lot of work
redundant).
Discussions in your neighbourhood and
community will become an important task (and knowing what the movement wants to
do with it will be an absolute necessity).
It will depend on the situation how this will come to stand through
community-meetings, enquiries, visits to the pub,…
From these groups forward three ends can be
reached (apart from the parallel political structure, which is the priority):
- education, action and information /
discussion
economics trough LETS-groups and through
influence in the companies vested there
to restore social tissue by organising a
number of activities and mutual aid
d. Economically
I propose the long-term constitution of two pillars of economic
organization. Important are the
following three:
to be capable to get involved in class war, minimum demands and
notification
to take over the world in case the old system collapses (stockmarket
crash, revolution,…)
to work on alternative economic forms, to gain experience and to show
the achievability of it all.
In the first place a union should be founded, following the example of
the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.) or the Confederación National de
Trabajo (C.N.T. / F.A.I.).
It is important to have a struggle organization that can organise the
economy (production, distribution,
consumption) if needed. For this it can
use the knowledge of its members and the communication-structures of her
organization.
I seriously doubt the possibility of doing this throughout the existing
unions, though maybe we can gain experience and make contacts within these
structures.
On the other hand alternative economic projects should be started to
gain experience in ‘self management’, to set an example and as continuing
experiments which can develop our knowledge further.
It is even possible that these companies would serve as a school or
schools for ‘self management’ can be found (after the example of Mondragón in
Spain).
Next to that LETS-groups can be founded (cfr. Politics), consumption
cooperatives can be build, common materials can be bought and controlled, food
collectives, collective kitchens,…
e. Cohesion
Mutual cohesion can be on one-hand informal
trough affinity groups and on activities of the different groups: benefits,
gigs, debates,...
We can, on the other hand, representants can
be sent and deliberations and meetings summoned. This can be interthematically and geographically (locally,
regionally, nationally, globally).
The mutual contact must contain formation and
exchange of information, practical organization and collective planning,
theoretical discussion, mutual solidarity and support.
Another kind of cohesion can be organised
through alarm- and mobilisation-lines: through telephone or internet people and
organizations can be informed of urgent or other important things and events.
Still another important element can be a
shared or common infrastructure: newspapers (local and international) can work
together; information centres; action centres; distributors of anarchist
information and propaganda; printers and publishers; all kind of autonomous
zones (squats,…); (mobile) food kitchens; …
It must be said that different aspects can
find a place under one roof or in one project. The most important thing is that
each project should engage itself in this community. There is only one way to
the future: walk all paths at the same time.
We look for priorities. Each context shall
point to other priorities: even each town or village has a context of its own
and its own power diagram; a different social basis to build on;…
Overall it seems important to work on
infrastructure / communication, combined with (communicating and related!)
action campaigns and –groups.
Education, discussion and the psychological
aspect to revolutionary struggle are not to be neglected.
We can say even less about the operational ends groups and individuals
must put before them. We could say we must try for efficiency and effectivity.
Our means are often limited by all kinds of factors.
We must try to stay in contact with the rest of the movement. Therefore
the agenda of each group could contain:
* practical things of the group itself
* practical things of the movement at large: current discussions, urgent
events,…
* education, role-playing (think of all kinds of situations relevant for
your group of movement: what if, how, who, what, when,…) or in-depth evaluation
of general issues.
There must on the other hand not be too many meetings; they must be
feasible in duration, moment, location, … as well as process (good preparation
–for the group and individually-, a meaningful agenda, good facilitation,…).
This way the meetings can be motivating and as much time as possible is free
for the actual work, one’s own life and social activities. Pay attention to the
balance between the need for consensus and the space for initiative and trust;
good arrangements make good friends.
This also makes it possible for people to conduct other activities like
(wage-)labour, kids, sports,… We
The only solution anarchist see possible for the social and individual
problems is a social revolution.
Nowadays large parts of the renewing ideas about the social struggle
have a non-violent background. Apart
from the principal discussion about violence it has to be clear that the action
techniques developed by this current are mostly the same as the ones that should
be used by anarchists. A social revolution is at least for the largest part a
work of construction and peaceful co-operation. It is true that people like Gene Sharp consider both state and
capital as valuable partners, view anarchists can hardly share. Sharp’s frame of thoughts isn’t an anarchist
one, so neither are his methods. This
however, doesn’t make the rest of his thoughts less valuable. ‘If I have to choose between violence and
non-violence, I choose non-violence. If
I have to choose between violence and cowardness / ineffectiveness, I choose
violence.’ (Gandhi).
More-over, reality shows that all too often we do need the peaceful
methods as proclaimed by this ‘reformist current’. Therefore we must not
abdicate from them, but learn to evaluate them in real life and use them wisely
and without illusions. Moreover, we must be aware and value other means of
struggle, but this is not the time or place to discuss them at length. Read
military schoolbooks if you like, but you won’t find the revolution in them.
Brian Martin in ‘Social defence, social change’
Social defence is non-violent community
resistance to aggression as an alternative to military defence. It is based on
widespread protest, persuasion, noncooperation and intervention in order to
oppose military aggression or political repression. It uses methods such as
boycotts, acts of disobedience, strikes, demonstrations and setting up
alternative institutions.
Defining something is a political act, and so
it is worthwhile looking at this definition of social defence as “non-violent
community resistance to aggression as an alternative to military defence.”
This definition says that the resistance is
community resistance—not national resistance, which is the usual focus for
military defence and for much thinking and writing about social defence. My
view is that the focus should be on communities defending themselves and each
other. Sometimes the communities will be nations, but often not.
Some activists prefer to define social defence
as “non-violent community resistance to aggression or oppression,” thereby
including defence against military aggression, defence against government
oppression of local communities, and defence against male violence against
women. Social defence, in this view, should be seen as non-violent defence of
the vital features of society—including human rights, local autonomy, and
participation—against all oppressive forces.
I agree with the sentiments behind this broader
orientation. But I think it is better to define social defence as an
alternative to military defence and then to make links between this idea of
social defence and other struggles against oppression. With the broader
definition, social defence becomes almost the same as any community-based
non-violent action. This can lose the focus on the problems with military
defence.
Of course, there is a very close connection
between social defence and non-violent action: social defence is based on the
use of non-violent action. Social defence means that the functions of the
military are eliminated or replaced (or, at the very least, supplemented).
There can be lots of non-violent action in a community but, if the military is
still present, there is the potential for waging war and carrying out
repression.
Social defence is one of several different
names that all mean about the same thing. The main ones are social defence,
non-violent defence, civilian-based defence and civilian defence. The different
names do have different connotations. The expression “civilian based defence”
usually refers to non-violent defence operating under direction of a
government, whereas the expression “social defence” often refers to non-violent
defence based on grassroots initiatives.
Years ago, social defence was sometimes called
“passive resistance.” This gives the misleading impression that non-violence is
passive. The core of social defence is non-violent action, and this includes
strikes, fraternisation and setting up alternative institutions.
There are also offensive measures to be taken,
such as communications to undermine international and domestic support for the
aggression. Social defence does not mean just sitting there and accepting
whatever the aggressor inflicts. “Social defence” and the main alternative
terms include the word “defence.” Ironically, this gives too narrow a view of
what can be involved. The problem stems from the euphemism “military defence.”
Military forces are designed for war. Government departments of war changed
their names to departments of defence in order to avoid the association with
killing and destruction.
“Defence” sounds much friendlier than war, the
military or even “the army.”
Non-violence has the opposite problem: to many
people it sounds weak. Social defence sounds purely defensive. That’s why it’s
sometimes useful to talk of social offence.
198 Methods of non-violent action
Gene Sharp, the leading researcher on non-violent action, has identified
198 different types of non-violent action and given examples of each one.1
Sharp divides the methods of non-violent action into three categories: symbolic
actions, noncooperation, and intervention and alternative institutions.
Symbolic actions include:
formal statements (speeches, letters, petitions); slogans, leaflets,
banners; rallies, protest marches, vigils, pickets; wearing of symbols of
opposition (such as the paper clips worn by Norwegian civilians during the Nazi
occupation); meetings, teach-ins.
Noncooperation includes:
social boycott, stay-at-home; boycotts by consumers, workers, traders;
embargoes; strikes, bans, working-to-rule, reporting “sick”; refusal to pay tax
or debts, withdrawal of bank deposits; boycotts of government institutions;
disobedience, evasions and delays; mock incapability (“misunderstandings,”
“mistakes”).
Intervention and alternative institutions include:
fasts; sit-ins, non-violent obstruction and occupation; destruction of
information and records; establishment of parallel institutions for government,
media, transport, welfare, health and education.
(From: Gene Sharp, The Politics of Non-violent Action (Boston: Porter
Sargent, 1973).
a. The methods of non-violent protest and persuasion.
Formal statements
Public speeches 2. Letters of opposition or support 3. Declarations by
organizations and institutions 4. Signed public statements 5. Declarations of
indictment and intention 6. Group or mass petitions.
Communications with a wider
audience
7. Slogans, caricatures and symbols 8. Banners , posters, displayed
communications 9. Leaflets, pamphlets and books 10. Newspapers and journals 11.
Records, radio and television 12. Skywriting and earth writing
Group representations
13. Deputations 14.Mock awards 15 Group lobbying 16. Picketing 17 Mock
elections
Symbolic Public Acts
18. Displays of flags and symbolic colours 19.Wearing of symbols 20.
Prayer and worship 21. Delivering symbolic objects 22. Protest disrobing 23
Destruction of own property 24. Symbolic lights 25. Displays of portraits 26.
Paint as protest 27. New signs and names 28. Symbolic sounds 29. Symbolic
reclamations 30. Rude gestures.
Pressures on individuals
31 “haunting” officials 32. Taunting officials 33. Fraternization 34.
Vigils
Drama and music
35. Humorous skits and pranks 36 Performances of plays and music 37.
Singing
Processions
38. Marches 39. Parades 40. Religious processions 41. Pilgrimages 42.
Motorcades
Honouring the Dead
43. Political mourning 44 Mock funerals 45. Demonstrative funerals 46.
Homage at burial places
Public assemblies
47. Assemblies of protest and support 48. Protest meetings 49.
Camouflaged meetings of protest 50. Teach-ins
Withdrawal and renunciation
51. Walk-outs 52.Silence 53. Renouncing honours 54.Turning one’s back
The methods of social noncooperation
Ostracism of persons
55. Social Boycot 56. Selective social boycott 57. Lysistratic nonaction
58. Excommunication 59. Interdict
Noncooperation with social events, Customs and institutions
60. Suspension of social and sports activities 61. Boycott of social
affairs 62. Student strike 63. Social disobedience 64. Withdrawal from social
institutions
Withdrawal from the social system
65. Stay at home 66. Total personal non-cooperation 67. Flight of
workers 68. Sanctuary 69. Collective disappearance 70. Protest emigration
The methods of economic noncooperation : economic boycotts
Actions by consumers
71. Consumers’ boycott 72. Nonconsumption of boycotted goods 73. Policy
of austerity 74. Rent withholding 75. refusal to rent 76. National consumers’
boycott 77. International consumers’ boycott
Action by workers and producers
78.Workmens’ boycott 73. Producers boycott
Action by middlemen
80. Suppliers’ and handlers’ boycott
Action by Owners and management
81. Traders’ boycott 82. Refusal to let or sell property 83. Lockout 84.
Refusal of industrial assistance 85. Merchants “general strike”
Action by holders of financial resources
86. Withdrawal of bank deposits 87. Refusal to pay fees, dues and
assessments 88. Refusal to pay debts or interest 89. Severance of funds and
credit 90. Revenue refusal 91. Refusal of government’s money
Action by governments
92. Domestic embargo 93. Blacklisting of traders 94. International
sellers’ embargo 95. International buyers’ embargo 96. International trade
embargo
The methods of economic noncooperation : The strike
Symbolic strikes
97. Protest strikes 98. Quickie walkout (lightning strike)
Agricultural strikes
99. Peasant strike 100. Farm Workers’ strike.
Strikes by special groups
101. Refusal of impressed labour 102. Prisoners’ strike 103.Craft strike
104. Professional strike
Ordinary Industrial Strikes
105.Establishment strike 106. Industry strike 107. Sympathetic strike
Restricted strikes
108. Detailed strike 109. Bumper strike 110. Slowdown strike 111.
Working-to-rule strike 112. Reporting ‘sick’ (sick-in) 113. Strike by
resignation 114. Limited strike 115. Selective strike
Multi-Industry Strikes
116. Generalized strike 117. General strike
Combination of Strikes and
Economic Closures
118. Hartal 119. Economic shutdown
The methods of political noncooperation
Rejection of Authority
120. Withholding or withdrawal of allegiance 121. Refusal of public
support 122. Literature and speeches advocating resistance
Citizens’ Noncooperation with
Government
123. Boycott of legislative bodies 124. Boycott of elections 125.
Boycott of government employment and positions 126. Boycott of government
departments, agencies and other bodies 127. Withdrawal from government
educational institutions 128. Boycott of government-supported organizations
129. Refusal of assistance to enforcements agents 130. Removal of own signs and
place marks 131. Refusal to accept appointed officials 132. Refusal to dissolve
existing institutions
Citizens’ Alternatives to
Obedience
133. Reluctant and slow compliance 134. Non-obedience in absence of
direct supervision 135. Popular non-obedience 136. Disguised disobedience 137.
Refusal of an assemblage or meeting to disperse 138. Sit-down
139.Noncooperation with conscription and deportation 140. Hiding, escape, and
false identities 141. Civil disobedience of ‘illegitimate’ laws
Action by Government Personnel
142. Selective refusal of assistance by government aides 143. Blocking
of lines of command and information 144. Stalling and obstruction 145. General
administrative noncooperation 146. Judicial noncooperation 147. Deliberate
inefficiency and selective noncooperation by enforcement agents 148. Mutiny
Domestic Government Action
149. Quasi-legal evasions and delays 150. Noncooperation by constituent
governmental units
International Government Action
151. Changes in diplomatic and other representation 152. Delay and
cancellation of diplomatic events 153. Withholding of diplomatic recognition
154. Severance of diplomatic relations 155. Withdrawal from international
organizations 156. Refusal of membership in international bodies 157. Expulsion
from international organizations
The methods of Non-violent Intervention
Psychological Intervention
158. Self-exposure to the elements 159. The fast (a. Fast of moral
pressure; b. Hunger strike; c. Satyagrahic fast) 160. Reverse trial 161.
Non-violent harassment
Physical Intervention
162. Sit-in 163. Stand-in 164. Ride-in 165. Wade-in 166. Mill-in 167.
Pray-in 168. Non-violent raids 169. Non-violent air raids 170. Non-violent
invasion 171. Non-violent interjection 172. Non-violent obstruction 173.
Non-violent occupation
Social Intervention
174.Establishing new social patterns 175. Overloading of facilities 176.
Stall-in 177 Speak-in 178. Guerrilla theatre 179. Alternative social
institutions 180. Alternative communications system
Economic Intervention
181. Reverse strike 182. Stay-in strike 183. Non-violent land seizure
184. Defiance of blockades 185. Politically motivated counterfeiting 186.
Preclusive purchasing 187. Seizure of assets 188. Dumping 189. Selective
patronage 190. Alternative markets 191. Alternative transport systems 192. Alternative
economic institutions
Political Intervention
Overloading of administrative systems 194. Disclosing identities of
secret agents 195. Seeking imprisonment 196. Civil disobedience of ‘neutral’
laws 197. Work-on without collaboration 198. Dual sovereignty and parallel
government
A. Techniques
* SWOT – ANALYSIS:
|
Strategic orientation: Find out how wide the field of possibilities and action is. No decisions are taken yet, but try to get
a good view on what’s still to be discussed.
You don’t have to be complete, but try to know roughly what has to be
discussed to reach a result. |
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Gathering and summing up of available information, internal as well as
external. |
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A. EXTERNAL |
B. INTERNAL |
|
Imagine as many Threats and Opportunities as possible[2] |
Imagine as many Strengths and Weaknesses as possible.[3] |
|
Consider the threats (values -1, -2) and opportunities (+1, +2) and
bring them down to a max. of 6 (in small groups). |
Consider the weaknesses (-1, -2) and strengths (+1, +2) and bring them
down to a max. of 6 (in small groups). |
(Collect the results of the small groups and restrict your lists to a
maximum of 8)
Put hem next to each other and add the values in the cross-section:
|
|
EXTERNAL |
Opportunity (+2) |
… |
Opportunity (+1) |
… |
Threat (-1) |
… |
Threat (-2) |
… |
|
INTERNAL |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Strength (+2) |
|
+4 |
|
|
|
+1 |
|
0 |
|
|
Strength)(+1) |
|
|
|
+2 |
|
0 |
|
-1 |
|
|
… |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
… |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Weakness (-2) |
|
0 |
|
-1 |
|
-3 |
|
-3 |
|
|
Weakness(-1) |
|
+1 |
|
0 |
|
-2 |
|
-4 |
|
|
… |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
… |
|
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|
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Choose three problematic fields: internal (–2) connect to external (–2) are an urgent priority! E.g.
too few people (internal) combined with too few possible people (external) is
a huge problem. Too few people (internal) combined with a lot of possible
people (external) would be an important, but totally different problem. Don’t forget to keep track of your strong points. They are often
matters that you can and must use and start your project from! |
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Work on this problematic fields: This can be done in smaller groups You can repeat this entire process
for the sub problems until all problems are identified so that you can begin
to reach solutions. |
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|
Collect solutions and try to make a realistic plan. (who, when, what,
how, what, money,…)
|
|
Evaluate the process regularly and redirect it if needed. |
*Strategy:
Starting point: vision
is means is goal!!! Put in another way:
the means with whom we want to reach a certain goal have to be compliant with
the vision we have on man, society and the ends we aim for. The end never justifies the means.
Strategy: coherent,
well-considered and planned whole of activities and actions, aiming to realise
the ends of a movement or campaign within a certain period of time.
Long – term strategy takes about 3 to 5 years. Medium – long-term strategy takes about 1 to 2 years. Tactics is a short-term strategy or handling
method. A time schedule is a way to
plan the duration of the strategy.
The end is the end
Main goal: is an
important and concretely formulated part concerning the ends (it’s a
sub-end). Campaigning goal, program
goal, or strategic goals are the main goals.
Goal of action: is a
goal to work towards to, (directed from the main goal), concretely formulated
and possible to realise on a short-term bases
Goal of object: is a
factory, a dumpsite, a power plant,…
Hinge point: is an
organization that has a (relative) power equilibrium, which therefore becomes a
turning point
Ways of influencing: are press, schools, medics, parents,
acquaintances, …
Sources: own
participants, members of equal minded organizations or closely related
organizations,…
To achieve goal you need people, time and money. These are needed in the right amounts and
relations: a lot of time, no money and few people restricts the goals you can
achieve.
Medium long and long-term strategy
What is your vision on the subject of the campaign? You have to formulate it as clear as
possible. State the connection between
your vision and the subject: theme of the movement (or the campaign).
What are the ends of the movement or what are the ends of the
campaign? What are the concrete main
goals that have to be achieved in order to realise the ends of the movement or
campaign?
What are your most important action- or campaign goals and how are you
planning to use them? Put them in an order of escalation and importance. Make a distinction between direct and
indirect goals.
What hinge points and ways of influencing do you want to use in what
relation to which action-or campaigning goal?
Formulate concrete action goals for and with your resources. Put them in an order of importance.
Make a time schedule on which you can see what your ends, main goals,
campaigning-and action-goals, hinge-points and resources are. In other words, convert your tactics and
strategy into a real plan.
* Flow chart
The ends are well described.
What kind of action will we organise?
A flowchart can help us to:
on a short term bases, in a clearly put way and with less chance to end
up in endless discussions
sum up actions (brainstorm), consider the consequences of each action
and choose (a) way(s) of action.
For example:
|
End |
ACTION |
CONSEQUENCES |
|
Equal sports facilities for women |
Occupation of the gym |
-if this is your first
step, you will probably loose support and sympathy (-) -makes clear that you are
serious (+) -possibility of arrests
(-) |
|
|
Petition at school |
- will probably change
nothing (-) -creates possibilities for
conversation / discussion (+) |
|
|
Publishing relevant pages from the constitutional law |
- there is no money (-) -it takes more time (-) - difficult language that
will need explaining (-) - gives a legal character
to your action (++) |
Imagine the petition at school is the first chosen action, than you can
redo you flow chart while the petition is circling around. The way of working is the same.
|
Action |
Action |
Consequences |
|
Petition at school. |
Info magazine about the problem and suggestions for a solution. |
- (-) - (+) - (++) - (-) |
|
|
Inviting female Olympic champions. |
- (++) - (-) - (-) |
|
|
Involving male athletes |
- (-) |
|
|
Occupation of the gym |
- (++) - (--) - (-) - (+) - (-) |
*Time schedule:
Everything that hast to be done (or has to be finished) for a certain
action is put on one time-line (it is possible to split up in e.g. funding,
file-and presswork, action preparation / training of those taking part in the
action, juridical work,). Remind the
mutual connections: a juridical working group only knows what to do when you
have decided on which action techniques you are going to use,….
Gives a clear and estimated time planning.
It’s practical to use.
B. Discussion
procedures :
There are an infinite number of variables possible. What’s most important is to be aware of the
group, the process and the results.
*In general we could say there are 5 degrees of ‘governing’:
1.
unlimited freedom
2.
direct democracy
a.
consensus
b.
majority-decision
3.
democracy through
delegates
4.
democracy through
representatives (parlementarian democracy)
5.
overt minority
dictatorship
Today’s society goes back and from 4. and 5.(between overt dictatorship
and minority rule camouflaged by a symbolic democracy). A liberated society
would eliminate 4. and 5. and reduce the areas of life where 2. and 3. are
needed. (Ken Knabb in ‘The joy of revolution’)
We focus on consensus–decision-making here because it is at once the
least high on the ladder and very little known. Moreover it usually needs a
greater amount of ‘procedure’ then majority rule and unlimited freedom.
But just like these it depends on some underlying things: trust (and
trustworthy behaviour), willingness to agree,… and none of them completely
secure against infiltration, intriguing, cliques and hidden power relations. So
procedures are not enough. How could they be? We must –together- be in control
of the process, not the procedures.
*Why consensus:
Direct democracy, everyone decides along
Everyone is responsible for the result, and it is acted out better
Decisions are made starting from the importance of the whole: win / win
situation
Decisions are made starting in full trust of each other
Information / knowledge / know-how / skills are being shared
Everyone’s opinion is important and should be heard
Consensus breaks trough the dictatorship of the majority
Consensus stimulates involvement and creativity
*A number of examples:
-Tasks to be done in the process.
All members of the group are responsible for the tasks of the of the
person who guides the conversations: helping each other, supporting, keeping
attention, looking together for a next step, really listening to others, being
prepared to let go of own ideas and considering new ones, changing opinion and
thinking along creatively…
The individual needs and thoughts have to be compared to what’s right
for the group and the purpose of the meeting.
We have to try to understand and be understandable. This is the opposite of repeating each
other’s view or getting involved in endless discussions.
Guidelines :
Don’t try to convince others of your own view at any cost. Do explain in a logical and clear manner
whatever your opinion is. Listen
carefully to others and consider their reactions.
Don’t change your opinion to avoid conflict or to reach a solution
faster. Only support the solution that
you agree with.
Avoid conflict-reducing techniques such as majority voting, tossing,…
Try to find out what the conflicting opinions are. Be especially aware of the different
starting points.
Everyone is responsible for gaining a solution. Try to involve everyone in the discussion.
Consider the different opinions as an advantage, rather than a
disadvantage when looking for consensus.
The opinions are sources of information, which makes the chance of
reaching a good solution for the group bigger.
Avoid looking at the discussion as if it were a competition. Its not he intention to have a winner and a
loser. Instead, we have to look for an
acceptable alternative for all members of the group.
Consensus is the result of the combination information, logic and
feelings.
The person that guides the discussion has various tasks but the
responsibility for the course and the result of meeting always lies with the
group. There are a couple of issues
that the one who guides the conversation watches over. Some of these issues can be delegated to
others (e.g. keeping the time, reformulating or summing up what’s been said,…).
Formulating what’s been said and questioning if everyone agrees
making sure everyone can have a say
making sure everyone can follow the conservation
Helps to state clearly what people mean by asking questions or repeating
what’s important (and questioning whether this is correct)
Asking for the opinion of the silent ones
Not allowing the conversation to wander off
Make sure the discussion progresses
Making clear summaries
Keeping the spirits up by organising a game, a break, opening a window,…
Being visible and understandable for everyone.
The one who guides the conversation cannot be prejudiced in the
conversation. When he / she is too much
involved or when he / she’s too tired, it can be wise to ask someone else to
take over.
The timekeeper makes sure that the agreed on time per subject is
respected. The meeting decides.
The note taker takes care of the reports, and may sum up what’s been
said during the meeting. Someone can write important remarks on a large sheet
of paper or blackboard, so these remarks are easy to get back too, something
like a real-time report that can be continuously consulted and adjusted. It
might be necessary to provide translation.
It’s possible (depending on the situation) to use ‘runners’ who can keep
contact between the different groups and deliver information during the course
of the meeting. They don’t make
decisions. When you use a ‘fishbowl’
(see further in the text) spokesman take up more or less the same role.
*Regular concensus :
(model from the reader ‘Training for trainers’.)
Prepare the meeting (agenda, viewpoints, gather information,...).
Choose a person to guide the conversation.
Agenda (why is a subject on the agenda, what’s the purpose: deciding or
exploring,…).
Orientation phase (background of the subject, reason, emergency,…).
Information phase (to bring all information explicitly in the group, no
manipulation / monopoly).
Opinion forming phase (round of opinions, brainstorm (time limit!),
advantages / disadvantages and solutions, achievability of the ideas, best
ideas on blackboard (idea, advantage, disadvantage, solution, advantage,
disadvantage), discussion while keeping the contents and emotions in mind,
maybe interrupted by a game)
This will lead to a unanimously formulated
proposal!
Decision-making phase: are we all in favour? Who has objections? A quick
summary of agreements and differences.
Asking everyone personally! When people object it’s important to ask what
there objections are.
When there ‘s a difference of opinions, the danger is real that those
who don’t agree with the proposal will stay rejectively silent or will keep on
repeating their objections. Ask if the
objections concern the entire proposal or whether there are parts of it that
can be agreed on. When they disagree
with the entire proposal these persons can be asked to formulate their own
proposal. It may be useful to have the
discussion again while thinking how to change, improve or adjust the
proposal. It may be necessary to take a
break first, to play a game or to have a moment of silence to think. The decision can be postponed. Never postpone a decision lightly: agree on
what has to be done in the meantime (e.g. a group can summarise two proposals
into one). If the group insists on
making a decision the objecting person can be asked not to block the
decision. People who don’t agree with a
decision can’t be forced to execute it!
If all this fails the objecting person can decide to leave the
group. Don’t drop this person!
When there are real problems there’s probably something else going on,
be aware of this. People might feel
that they’re never taken seriously, people might be afraid of a situation,… To
end: it may not be impossible that one person sees clearer what’s best for the
entire group!!
*Model from ‘Conflict and consensus’ by C.T. Butler (co- founder of Food
Not Bombs).
-INTRODUCTON:
Clarify process
Present proposal or
issue
Questions to clarify
the presentation
-BROAD OPEN DISCUSSION
Group discussion
Different
techniques:
-Identification: (address each other by name, this can be made possible
by playing games, name cards, systematically announcing your name before you
speak,…)
-Discussions with the whole group to reach an idea supported by the
group (unstructured or structured).
Discussions in small groups who then report their findings through
spokesmen / reporters.
Have rounds: ‘I agree on what’s been said’ isn’t enough, what exactly do
you agree on, what not? This is not a
time for discussion, listen carefully to what other people are saying and try
to find out what everybody (including yourself) wants.
-Fishbowl: participants with a different opinion sit in a circle to
discuss while the others form the outer circle and listen. At the end the group gets together again and
evaluates the fishbowl discussion.
èCall for concensus
Identify concerns
List any concerns
Group related concerns
Resolve concerns
Resolve grouped
concerns
ècall for consensus?’
Restate Remaining
concerns
Questions to clarify
concerns
Discussion limited to resolving one concern at
a time)
ècall for consensus
Alternative closing options
Stand aside
Send to committee
‘declare block’: no consensus can be reached: postpone to a next meeting
and continue with the agenda.
Equal sharing of participation
-keeping a list of people that want to speak (chronologically)
-if many people want to speak at the same time, ask them to raise hands
and call a number (1,2,3,4,…), then you can allow them to speak in that order
-if the meeting stops or a few people are dominating it then everyone is
free to question the disussion technique and propose an alternative
-if the meeting goes to fast or when tension rises a moment of silence
might help
-everyone can “call for consensus”
-making a summary of what’s been said, what everyone agrees on and
what’s still to be discussed
-restate the proposal
-explicitly quit your guiding role when you want to say something about
the contents
-a non-binding ‘referendum’ by hand raising: ONLY to see how deep the
differences in opinions are
-censorship: when someone speaks before his turn, interrupts somebody,
keeps repeating himself,… this person can be censored for the duration of an
item on the agenda or even longer, in really extreme cases someone can be
excluded. Both censorship and exclusion
can only take place after the person has thoroughly been question and after
you’ve tried to find a solution.
*EVALUATION:
There are at least ten ways in which evaluation helps improve meetings.
Evaluations:
* improve the process
by analysis of what happened, why it happened, and how it might be improved
* examine how certain
attitudes and statements might have caused various problems and encourage
special care to prevent them from recurring
* foster a greater
understanding of group dynamics and encourage a method of group learning or
learning from each other
* allow the free
expression of feelings
* expose unconscious
behaviour or attitudes which interfere with the process
* encourage the sharing
of observations and acknowledge associations with society
* check the usefulness
and effectiveness of techniques and procedures
* acknowledge good work
and give appreciation to each other
* reflect on the goals
set for the meeting and whether they were attained
* examine various
roles, suggest ways to improve them, and create new ones as needed
* provide an overall
sense of completion and closure to the meeting
Try to separate different aspects: always make clear what you observed
and what part you concluded by interpreting. Start saying what you think you
heard or saw and ask if you heard or saw this right. Only after this give your
interpretation and ask again if you are correct.
Process:
Individual round: how did I feel, how did I act and why? How did I
experience the others?
Were all roles well fulfilled?
Were the procedures respected?
Was there enough attention for non-verbal communication? Was the food
good? …
Product:
Is the result an answer to the right questions (Most of the times –but
not always- the ones from the agenda)?
Was there a real and free consensus? Was there pressure? Were
fundamental discussion forgotten or evaded? Does everyone really back-up the
decisions?
*Fast consensus (e.g. during actions)
Choosing a clear form of fast decision making can mean that you must act
out trust at difficult times. It will
prevent people with a lot of dominance – but who don’t have everybody’s trust-
from deciding what will happen. It is
meant to help executing the action out of the unity of the group.
state a proposal (bases on scenarios that have been worked out in
advance), let everyone answer at the same time by letting them raise a number
of fingers (try hiding your communication from the police):
1 finger (thumb) = I agree with the proposal, no objections
2 fingers = I object but I will participate
3 fingers = I object, I won’t participate but you go ahead
4 fingers = I object and I don’t want you to continue the action either
(depending on agreements in advance and the situation this option might be left
out).
If necessary a new proposal can be stated
A larger group can be split up in to smaller groups that have to come to
a collective answer in the same manner.
In some situations it’s better to work with fast deciders: according to
previously developed scenarios one or a few people decide. It has to be clear in advance in what kind
of situations these fast deciders can take action. When these situations don’t occur the group continues to decide
collectively.
When fast deciders have had to decide it’s important to discuss
afterwards how this felt for the group and for the decision makers themselves,
and what the results for the action were.
If we work with fast deciders this means that the group:
-has to trust the fast deciders, is prepared to act out decisions, stays
critical towards the decisions, can give an own opinion when others or the
action are in danger, remains independent and keeps its own responsibility.
The fast deciders have a great responsibility to take. If he or she has to make a decision during
the course of the action she / he as a huge influence on the further course of
the action. It is easy to confuse this
task with leadership.
*Friendship groups
(nuclear groups, base groups, support groups, affinity-groups) are small
groups, ten to fifteen people, who know and support each other. These groups join regularly, prepare their
share in an action together and divide the various tasks within the group. Therefore during the course of the action
they know where they stand and they can cooperate. The group also meets when an
action is over to discuss what went wrong and right during the action. An action always means unexpected and
exciting events. It’s important that
the participants feel safe in the group.
The structure of friendship groups makes this safety possible and it
forms the bases for collective responsibility for the action. Three aspects should certainly be dealt with
in a friendship group:
Building trust
by giving trust, by sharing experiences, by asking people how they feel,
by asking in what way you can support each other during an action, by listening
carefully and understanding what the other is trying to say.
This looking after each other is everybody’s duty. Sometimes a few, sometimes only women, who
are more used to giving personal attention to their surroundings, only fulfill
this task. But as much before, during
and after an action people should look after each other. (Before: consulting
about ‘what have you got with you? What is your task? , How are you feeling?,
What do you need?. During: sharing of food and drinks, trading places, asking
who needs what, playing games and singing songs,… After: give people the chance
to tell their story, don’t start discussing this immediately. Everyone’s experience is important. Confirm each other on this. Tell each other what you saw of them, talk
to them about it. Tell them if you were
proud of someone, if you felt support,…
Expressing emotions :
Expressing emotions is
important. Hold back emotions will
block you. We are all afraid to show
our emotions. A lot of us have the
feeling that we can’t even show them anymore.
When we are acting out an action, there’s always stress. Stress builds up emotions. We are scared, angry, disappointed,
inspired, astonished, irritated,… When our emotions are directed at the
opponents it's logical that they can be vented in our group, you can share your
emotions and get over them. When our
emotions are directed towards members of our own group, it’s a lot more
difficult. When you feel left alone by
someone of your group during an action or when you are irritated by another
members’ behaviour, this can paralyse and isolate you. Try to put your feelings into words
immediately and agree on discussing them when the action is over.
Dealing with criticism
Receiving criticism is difficult.
Having direct criticism is difficult too. We often keep it to ourselves: the risk of not being understood
is too big. So we just tell one or two
others how obnoxious we think a certain person is. This becomes gossip and this leads to distrust. It’s the responsibility of the entire group
to lead such a situation to a good end.
The other members of the group have the task to make sure that none of
the parties involved is left out in the cold.
Both parties must receive enough space to say what they want to say:
both must feel support and feel included in the group. When you are giving or receiving criticism,
you must think of the following:
speak for yourself: ‘I find it difficult if you…, because,…’
concretely state what you’re criticism is about: ‘when you… then you…’
When you are receiving criticism listen to the other person and say: ‘I
heard that you felt…, I feel uneasy about this because…’
When you are receiving criticism don’t start defending yourself
immediately but try to listen to and acknowledge everything the other states
first, afterwards you can tell your side of the story
At the end ask if things are out of the way or if something is left to
be done before you can continue working together
Ask the other members of the group about their
feelings towards this conversation.
*IN GENERAL:
-Consensus is based on:
trust
respect
unity of goals
non-violence
self-reinforcement
cooperation
conflict management and –solving
dedication to the group
active participation
equal access to power
patience
preparation and preparedness
-Threats to consensus:
lack of training
external hierarchical
structures
(hidden) internal hierarchical relations or substructures (read Jo
Freeman’s ‘the tyranny of structurelessness’)
social prejudice
-Always make sure there is a balance between the business and the
personal. This goes for meetings too.
-Regularly form smaller groups to go deeper into the personal opinions
of everyone.
-Listen carefully to what people say. This not only means that you let
people talk until they are finished (which appears quite a task on its own). It
also means you relate to what people say… that you ask questions and make the
meeting happen and get to thinking along together.
-Regularly do a round. Everyone says something of him –or herself. It
can or cannot be related to the specific topic you’re discussing. It is
important that everyone there is briefly looked at and listened to.
-Organize an interlude: play a game, sing a song,… You connect easier if
you don't just talk but move your bodies too, watch each other and touch each
other. Don’t feel funny or awkward about this.
-Be aware of the atmosphere in the group en discuss it if it slows down
the moving on. Maybe you should open a window. There could be an argument
starting to grow that you can anticipate in one way or another (which is not:
avoid it at all costs!).
The goal of organizing is more than having a good time. It is a working
at something, the preparation of a society in which people work toward change
in an open ‘meet’-ing. That ‘meet’-ing always starts with ourselves. Today.
Don’t be too easily discouraged if the consensus procedure doesn’t work
smoothly from the beginning. It can only work if we want to learn how to use
it. In the longer run it will prove to result in better decisions and stronger
group coherence.
Role-playing is a necessary tool for activists.
First of all it helps individuals prepare for whatever is to happen
next. You can think up different scenarios and different responses of
yourselves and others. This improves meetings and attempts to think of a plan.
Because everyone has thought of various things before you actually meet you
gain time when you meet.
Second you don’t even need a group to think about things. You can play
different roles at once. Remember it’s not a game you have to win, but a
role-play from which you must learn.
On the other hand it is fun to do with a group. It is simply less boring
than sitting in a chair and discuss dry stuff. You can imagine more freely and
therefore more realistically about the chances things will evolve in one way or
another. You can see clearly what information is missing, what crucial
positions (social or otherwise) must be taken, what has to happen for this to
be possible,…
You often get more results because the pressure seems off. More people
can more easily be drawn into the process. It often makes it easier to subvert
internal power play because the process is harder to control and people tend to
be less impressed by authority than in a formal meeting.
It is easier to make room for fundamental or political / ethical
discussions. Which is not to say they must be avoided outside a role-play, but
these discussions are often unlikely to result in a formal consensus. Trying
this too hard could lead to official formulations and diplomatic abracadabra.
It is a good way to exercise the processes above. Pick a subject you
know for sure will have no far-reaching effects for your group or even some
totally fun subject. You could try the consensus-model, the time-line and
SWOT-analysis to choose a pub or a movie.
There is no list of subjects even imaginable. Everything relevant for
you or your group can become subject for a role-play. Here are but a few
typical examples.
*You could take a map of the city or region you’re active in and set
goals for the revolutionary movement while some of the players take the part of
the bosses, the cops, the fascists, the Trotskyites,…
*You could imagine an industrial plant and try to figure out what it
takes to take it over in workers’ hands. What about the cops, what about
selling the products (to whom, legal aspects,…),…
*You could imagine the next meeting of your group. You’ve been trying to
say something for the past few weeks, but somehow you can’t get through. Why?
What are you trying to say? To whom? How? When? Is a formal meeting the right
time and place? Is it the people? Is it the process? What do you need to be
able to have your say? Who is in your way? Why? How? Is it you? How can you
change yourself?
*You facilitate the next meeting. What will you say? What will you do?
What’s on the agenda? What information will or might be missing?
Note that role-playing is not a collecting of worst-case scenarios.
Neither is it free from reality: you get nowhere imagining Martians coming to
rescue you (although it could be fun as a game). It is an attempt to get a
realistic view on what could happen and how to influence events or to evaluate
alternative scenario’s for something that has already happened.
So this is a quite
different anarchist cookbook than
what you might have found elsewhere: no bombs and none of the other archetypical stuff you find in the
anarchist cookbooks that are very often published by right-wing organisations
trying to put the blame on us.
‘You can’t blow up a social relationship’ says Tom Wetzel.
So how CAN we change our destiny if just bombing the place apart offers
as little hope for us as it seems to do?
‘Anarchy is Order – our anarchist cookbook’ is our attempt to
‘re-re-reïnvent anarchy (again)’ as I guess we all should have an exercise ever
so often, trying to formulate this complex planet in simple and solvable
problems with realistic solutions (YEP).
We say it’s easy to pretend to be cynical. It’s easy to create evil
empires and almighty molochs. It’s easy to despair.
This booklet is an individual attempt to recall our history and draw
lessons for the past. It is not new. I am not a genius. I am not a university
professor.
I’m just trying to take what’s in me onto the paper in order to make
communication possible. I’m trying to summarize very practically all the tools
and strategies anarchists have used. My main conclusion is that we should work together
–even if we do different things. Only an attack and defence with closed ranks
and coordinated fronts will get us anywhere.
[1] [1] There is a lot of confusion about words like power,
hierarchy, prestige, authority, freedom, autonomy,...
Without trying to be final about it
I use the following definitions: freedom from something (negative freedom) is
e.g. not being hungry; freedom to something (positive freedom) is being able
& capable to (do, be,…) something and resembles autonomy and strength. Prestige
and authority are constantly confused and interused and can carry a meaning of
power as well as trust in someone with more knowledge, experience,… about this
particular issue. In the first sense the (authoritarian, hierarchical) relation
(between people) is institutional and enforceable, while in the second it is a
free choice to trust or not and limited in time, space, subject,… I suggest
using the word ‘power’ only in the sense of authority and hierarchy; ‘being
capable of…’ and ‘being able to…’ would be better described as (positive)
freedom, autonomy, strength,…
[2]
After analysis of the forces applied to you (organigram of organizations
and groups that have a positive or negative influence on your own group,
project or campaign, and where there relative power can be shown), you have to
decide on what force you have to work first.
Force-analysis
can be split up in ‘state of the world’ and ‘network analysis’. Your organization is unlikely to directly
influence the factors related to time-spirit: rise of nationalism, climate
change,… The network-analysis is
visualised by circles around a centre (the organization): suppliers (of
information), comrades, opponents (‘adress group’), contributors, financial
support,…
[3]
Consider:
Financial,
emotional, physical, political, … factors. How any experienced people? How do
you get along? How well are your goals formulated? How is your infrastructure?